“Whatever you’re seeing, it’s not as bad as it appears,” Foley told the crowd. On the bus no one spoke; we all just listened to the mortar fire, craning our necks to see the red glow. The prime advocate of the Year Zero approach was Ahmad Chalabi, whose hatred of the Iraqi state for expropriating his family’s assets during the 1958 revolution ran so deep he longed to see the entire country burned to the ground—everything, that is, but the Oil Ministry, which would be the nucleus of the new Iraq, the cluster of cells from which an entire nation would grow. Labor relations, like everything else in Iraq, has become a blood sport. There was no question that privatization would require layoffs: the Ministry of Industry estimates that roughly 145,000 workers would have to be fired to make the firms desirable to investors, with each of those workers supporting, on average, five family members. The best example is a surreal visit to a soap factory. “Getting the rights to distribute Procter & Gamble products can be a gold mine,” one of the company’s partners enthused. Bremer had been working on the theory that if you build a corporate utopia the corporations will come—but where were they? BBC Teach > Primary Resources > History KS2 > Lost Lands. In keeping with the extreme-sports theme, Thomas Foley traveled to Washington to tell a gathering of executives that the risks in Iraq are akin “to skydiving or riding a motorcycle, which are, to many, very acceptable risks.” New York: Skyhorse Publishing, pp. It is in Basra where the connections between economic reforms and the rise of the resistance was put in starkest terms. Immediately after the nominal end of the war, Congress appropriated $2.5 billion for the reconstruction of Iraq, followed by an additional $18.4 billion in October. But there were other more significant risks as well. Our Fall Campaign is critical to make sure we have the funding we need to defend the integrity of our democracy. $4.25 billion, pending agreement on the conditions. This could also be a starting point to compare Islam and Christianity. . From the start, the neocons running Iraq had shown nothing but disdain for Iraq’s state-owned companies. “Free people are free to make mistakes and commit crimes and do bad things.” Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel laureate and former chief economist at the World Bank, describes Bremer’s reforms as “an even more radical form of shock therapy than pursued in the former Soviet world.” If a future elected Iraqi government decided to change the rules, investors could sue for compensation. [24] The force was also supplemented by Christian forces, including the King of Armenia and his army, a Frankish contingent from the Principality of Antioch,[25] and a Georgian force, seeking revenge on the Muslim Abbasids for the sacking of their capital, Tiflis, decades earlier by the Khwarazm-Shahs. It was big and yellow and impressive, and when I caught a glimpse of it around a corner in a busy shopping district I thought that I was finally about to witness some of the reconstruction I had heard so much about. It was a perfectly round city, with all the important buildings in the centre. Soon there were rumors that a McDonald’s would be opening up in downtown Baghdad, funding was almost in place for a Starwood luxury hotel, and General Motors was planning to build an auto plant. Our guide rushed ahead, shouting something to a woman in a white lab coat, and suddenly the factory scrambled into activity: lights switched on, motors revved up, and workers—still blinking off sleep—began filling two-liter plastic bottles with pale blue Zahi brand dishwashing liquid. One month later, Bremer unveiled the centerpiece of his reforms. Follow her on Twitter: @NaomiAKlein. At that gathering the twenty-five members of Iraq’s Governing Council as well as the twenty-five interim ministers decided unanimously that they would not participate in the privatization of Iraq’s state-owned companies or of its publicly owned infrastructure. And yes, they organize militias too. From the start, the neocons running Iraq had shown nothing but disdain for Iraq’s state-owned companies. To the true believers in the White House, General Garner’s plans for postwar Iraq seemed hopelessly unambitious. The problem is that governments, even neoconservative governments, rarely get the chance to prove their sacred theory right: despite their enormous ideological advances, even George Bush’s Republicans are, in their own minds, perennially sabotaged by meddling Democrats, intractable unions, and alarmist environmentalists. In June, Bremer flew to an economic summit in Jordan and announced that these firms would be privatized immediately.

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