The guerrillas The United States allocated $5.7 million in military aid for El Salvador in fiscal year 1980, replacing Israel as El Salvador's main source of military supplies. without the support of the United States. Copyright © 1998-2018 by Frank E. Smitha. Much later, in November 1989, FMLN launched a large offensive that caught Salvadoran military off guard and succeeded in taking control of large sections of the country and entering the capital, San Salvador. It is, however, a strategy that involves the use of terror tactics—bombings, strafings, shellings and, occasionally, massacres of civilians. It was a struggle between the elite who allied with the military, and the rural poor and politically marginalized, who were linked to Marxist radicals. [165], At war's end, the Commission on the Truth for El Salvador registered more than 22,000 complaints of political violence in El Salvador, between January 1980 and July 1991, 60 percent about summary killing, 25 percent about kidnapping, and 20 percent about torture. Some younger The negotiating process began in Havana in December 1979, some two months after the reformist coup in El Salvador, and was concluded by May 1980, when the major guerrilla groups announced their unity under the banner of the Unified Revolutionary Directorate (Direccion Revolucionario Unificada-- DRU). He was a rare thing: "pure, one-hundred-percent soldier, a natural leader, a born military man. [137] In addition, the CDHES stated that government paramilitary organizations illegally detained 1,916 persons and disappeared 250 during the same period.[138]. However, in an interview with James LeMoyne he stated that he did in fact order his men to "clean out" EL Mozote.[106]. the National Guard, Treasury Police and the National Police) in 25 percent, military escorts and civil defense units in 20 percent of complaints, the death squads in approximately 10 percent, and the FMLN in 5 percent. Exactly one week after the arrest of Roberto D'Aubuisson for the assassination of Óscar Romero, the National Guard and the newly reorganized paramilitary Organización Nacional Democrática (ORDEN), with the cooperation of the Military of Honduras, carried out a large massacre at the Sumpul on May 14, 1980, in which an estimated 600 civilians were killed, mostly women and children. When he first executed massacres he didn't think much of it because it was part of his military training and because it was tactically approved by the High Command, but he didn't consider whether it would become a political problem. and seizures of buildings frightened conservatives. El Salvador: The Face of Revolution (Boston: South End Press, 1982), 163. [63], Piety was a popular reason for joining the insurrection because they saw their participation as a way of not only advancing a personal cause but a communal sentiment of divine justice. In response, President Arturo Armando Molina enacted a series of land reform measures, calling for large landholdings to be redistributed among the peasant population. His killing provoked four days' of political protest—during which his remains were displayed before the U.S. embassy and then before the Salvadoran armed forces headquarters. United States Embassy in San Salvador, cable 02296, 31 March 1980. And some had drifted into the cities. Nicaragua demonstrated the importance of incorporating as many sectors of society as possible into a revolutionary movement while still ensuring the predominance of a Marxist-Leninist "vanguard" group within the coalition. And in Long after the war, in a U.S. Federal Court, in the case of Ford vs. García the families of the murdered Maryknoll nuns sued the two Salvadoran generals believed responsible for the killings, but lost; the jury found Gen. Carlos Eugenio Vides Casanova, ex-National Guard Leader and Duarte's defense minister, and Gen. José Guillermo Garcia—defense minister from 1979 to 1984, not responsible for the killings; the families appealed and lost, and, in 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear their final appeal. Still others discuss their respective contributions to the achievement of peace and how they sacrificed quotas of power in support of the Accord signed at Chapultepec. The policies of the Duarte government attempted to make the country's three security forces more accountable to the government by placing them under the direct supervision of a Vice Minister of Defense, but all three forces continued to be commanded individually by regular army officers, which, given the command structure within the government, served to effectively nullify any of the accountability provisions. In El Salvador, the situation was more complicated. description of US involvement in El Salvador and Nicaragua. On December 11, 1981, one month after the "sweep" through Cabañas, the Battalion occupied the village of El Mozote and massacred at least 733 and possibly up to 1,000 unarmed civilians, including women and 146 children, in what became known as the El Mozote Massacre.

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